The exercises were followed on August 17 by the first high-level defense dialogue between Washington and Hanoi. US Deputy Assistant Secretary for Defense Robert Scher met Lieutenant General Nguyen Chi Vinh in Hanoi for talks that reportedly focused on military exchanges, training and collaboration in search and rescue, and humanitarian and disaster-relief operations. The sale of US defense equipment was reportedly not discussed, and Vietnam still remains banned under US legislation from receiving so-called ''lethal-end'' military equipment such as small arms, fighter aircraft or combat vessels. Previous talks in 2008 were on the State Department-Foreign Ministry level.  

While none of these military-to-military moves are particularly provocative to China, they are steps towards building trust between US and Vietnamese   armed   forces . Vietnam has recently shown signs of being receptive to a   US   military   presence in the region to counterbalance China and provide more muscle behind its claims in the South China Sea. With the high-level dialogue now complete, Washington and Hanoi can now move on to more substantive arrangements.  

In June, US President Barack   Obama   and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono announced in Jakarta that the two countries would form a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. The agreement, signed by Scher and Indonesian Director for Strategy and Planning Major General Syarifudin Tippe, is intended to further integrate existing defense collaboration.  

A new defense cooperation agreement covers training, defense industry collaboration, procurement of military equipment, security dialogue and maritime security. This was followed on July 22 by a US announcement that it would resume cooperation with Kopassus, Indonesia's elite special forces unit. The announcement followed a meeting between Gates and President Yudhoyono.  

United States assistance to Kopassus was cut by the so-called Leahy law, which bans training and other assistance to foreign military units where there is credible evidence they have committed gross human rights violations. Since the 1970s, domestic and international human rights organizations have accused Kopassus of human rights abuses in Aceh, East Timor, Papua and during riots in Jakarta in 1998.  

The ban can be waived, however, if the US secretary of state certifies that "effective measures" have been taken by a foreign government to bring members of the relevant unit to justice. Washington has said training will not be offered to Kopassus immediately and it has reserved the right to vet individual Kopassus members before participation in any US-led training. The agreement, however, removes the last obstacle to resuming full military relations between the two countries.  

Additionally, it provides the US potentially greater influence with Indonesia's politically powerful military given Kopassus's traditional role as a stepping stone for future military leaders. The US supported Indonesia's military throughout the Cold War, but relations soured in 1991 when the US Congress cut Indonesia's eligibility for international military education and training (IMET) and to purchase certain types of "lethal" military equipment after soldiers massacred more than 100 peaceful demonstrators in East Timor. Then-president Bill Clinton cut all remaining military ties when Indonesian troops and local militias rampaged through East Timor in the wake of a vote to secede from Indonesia in 1999, although they were quietly restored the following year.  

The events of 9/11 and the Bali bombings in 2002 gave new impetus to improving relations with the world's most populous Muslim nation, and military relations have since steadily improved. In 2003, despite strong opposition from Congress, funds were released for training Indonesian officers. This was followed in 2005 by the repeal of an arms embargo. Between 2006 and 2009, the US Global   Train   and Equipment Program provided Indonesia with over $47 million to fight smuggling, piracy and trafficking. The installation of radar systems, particularly in the Makassar and Malacca straits, has been sponsored by the Department of Defense.  

In 2009, the US and Indonesia co-hosted the Garuda Shield multilateral military exercises in   Bandung . More than 1,000 soldiers from nine countries participated in drills focused on peace support operations. In June this year, another multilateral exercise was held in West Java to boost cooperation and professionalism in   UN   peacekeeping operations. Jointly organized by the Indonesian and American militaries, soldiers from Thailand, Philippines, Bangladesh, Nepal and Brunei Darussalam also took part. Indonesian   troops   also take part in the annual Cobra Gold exercises in Thailand.  

Cambodia is yet another ASEAN country in which the US has taken military interest. In July, the US and Cambodia co-hosted the Angkor Sentinel '10 multilateral military exercises involving 1,200 soldiers from 23 countries. Although aimed at providing training in peacekeeping operations, many observers saw these first exercises between the two countries as a way for the US to get closer to Cambodia's military.  

The US has provided Cambodia with over $4.5 million in military equipment and training since 2006 and Cambodia joined the Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training (CARAT) regional naval exercises for the first time this year. The warming trend has not come without controversy as human-rights activists protest against the inclusion of Cambodian military units linked to human rights violations in US military training programs.  

Between ASEAN, China, and the United States, Jakarta Post, August 30

First, regarding China, very few if any in Southeast Asia can be classified as “panda-huggers”, a rather derogatory term often used by conservatives in the US for those who are uncritically pro-China.

For countries in Southeast Asia which have had centuries of experiencing the ups and downs of dealings with their giant neighbor, the image of a furry and cuddly animal is not one that comes to mind when looking at China.  

Southeast Asians were and continue to be fully aware of both the inherent promises and dangers that China present, whose traditional symbol is after all a dragon. During the Cold War, China was regarded as an unmitigated threat, today, however, ASEAN believes that the best course of dealing with China, with its vast economic potential and growing military might, is to engage and integrate it fully into the regional order.

A China whose prosperity and good international image is closely tied up to the wider region is considered to be good for both China and the neighborhood as a whole.

China for its part has formally committed itself to an ASEAN regional code of conduct by acceding to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in Southeast Asia in 2003, which renounces threats and the use of force in settling disputes.

ASEAN clearly hopes that China will adhere to TAC and is undoubtedly disappointed, if not alarmed, with the recent display of military force in South China Sea.

The recent happening in South China Sea will likely to spur ASEAN states to pursue various steps to beef up their security, including by enhancing military cooperation with the US.

All these, however, would not change ASEAN’s conviction of the necessity to integrate China further into the wider regional community that ASEAN has been promoting, a multi-polar regional community in which China’s overwhelming power could be safely diffused.

Second, regarding the US, at times it seems it is just an occasional visitor to the region, whose interests wax and wane. ASEAN has long desired the US to accede to the TAC and is happy that Washington finally did so early in 2010.

As a Pacific power and now also a signatory of the TAC, the US is clearly entitled to remind every one of the agreement to renounce the threat and use of force in settling disputes, as Secretary of State Hillary Clinton did at the ASEAN Regional Forum meeting in Hanoi in July 2010.  

Southeast Asian law Enforcement groups need help, CSIS Southeast Asia, Sep 1

Repeated instances of incompetence and frequent accusations of corruption and other scandals, however, illustrates that the police forces in Southeast Asia still need major overhaul and that the U.S. must continue to assist this effort with increased resources. According to the U.S. President’s budget for fiscal year 2011, several ASEAN member states, including Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam, are set to receive a total of about $18.5 million from the State Department’s International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INCLE) account. Other ASEAN members, namely, Brunei, Malaysia, Myanmar and Singapore are getting none. The fund is considerably low given the Administration’s rhetoric of a refocused commitment to Southeast Asia.   In fact, Central and South American countries are allocated almost $700 million, while South and Central Asian and the Middle Eastern countries together will get more than $1.1 billion in funding to assist with counter narcotics effort and bolstering of law enforcement agencies.

Such a disparity in U.S. support to international law enforcement agencies, of course, reflects the differing assessment of risks and needs for each region and country. While a low funding level may suggest the U.S. is less intertwined with the stability of a country, it may also connote a level of confidence on a country’s ability to manage its domestic security apparatus. However, recent examples in Southeast Asia should prompt the U.S. government to reassess whether the level of support it has been given to ASEAN countries is sufficient.

Ineffective police forces in Southeast Asia could have negative impacts on U.S. national security. It should be noted that Southeast Asia was a haven for illicit trade and regional extremist organizations have direct ties to their globally operated brethren.  The recent indictment of Viktor Bout, a notorious Russian arm trafficker who is dubbed “the Merchant of Death,” in Bangkok serves as an indication that it is in the U.S. national security interest to see strong and effective police organizations in Southeast Asia. Moreover, as the United States continues to fight against terrorism and heeds various warnings that Southeast Asia could be the “next front” on war on terrorism (with already-active and internationally-linked extremist organizations such as the Jemaah Islamiya (JI) and the Abu Sayyaf residing in the region), the U.S. must reinforce its technical consultation and financial assistance to law enforcement agencies in the region. While it must be acknowledged that other factors such as domestic power-play may prevent a thorough reform of the police organizations, bolstered U.S. assistance would nevertheless go a long way to improving the quality of those law enforcers.

Chinese flag planting causes swell in disputed area of South China Sea, Jane’s Navy International, Sept 1

Sam LaGrone

A manned Chinese deep-sea submersible has planted a flag on the floor of a disputed area of the South China Sea, China's State Oceanic Administration and Ministry of Science and Technology announced on 26 August.

The flag-planting ceremony was undertaken by a civilian expedition which employed a three-man submersible, escorted by the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN), to dive to a depth of 3,759 m near the contested Paracel and Spratly island chains off the Philippines.

The move has heightened tensions between Beijing and neighbouring countries determined to secure the right to control sea lanes and exploit the area's natural resources. Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan and Vietnam as well as China have all laid claim to the small coral islands that comprise the Spratly chain.

Displacing nearly 22 tons, the submersible Jiaolong (or Sea Dragon ) made 17 dives between 31 May and 18 July and placed the flag early in its expedition, according to a news report by the China Daily newspaper on 27 August.

China claims the South China Sea as its own territorial waters. In July a PLA spokesman said China had "indisputable sovereignty" over the 1.3 million square mile (3.37 million km  2 ) sea, prompting protests by the United States and nations in the region.

On 18 August, Admiral Robert Willard, the commander of US Pacific Command, said that the US will maintain a strategic presence in the region in the long term but had not taken sides in the disputes over the territory.

His comments were made during bilateral talks with Philippine military chiefs, which included discussion of China's more aggressive stance in the South China Sea. In July, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that Washington would seek collaborative diplomatic processes to resolve the territorial disputes.

Other South China Sea nations have stepped up their naval procurement programmes, especially in the arena of conventionally powered submarines. Vietnam is moving to acquire six Russian-built 'Kilo'-class diesel-electric attack submarines (SSKs) while the Royal Malaysian Navy is about to commence operations with the first of two Scorpene SSKs. Singapore has four ex-Swedish navy Challenger-class SSKs and Thailand has also expressed interest in acquiring two second-hand SSKs.

China has a military garrison in the Paracel Islands group with a major C3I centre, a detachment of naval infantry (including main battle tanks), anti-aircraft artillery and surface-to-air missile batteries. PLAN strike craft conduct regular patrols; an airfield on Woody Island can accommodate all combat aircraft types in the PLA.

Jane's  has previously reported that some of the Spratly islets have new purpose-built towers to house large 3-D air/surface search radars. Additional naval barracks have also been built.

Local media reports indicated that the Chinese flag-planting was inspired by the planting of a Russian flag on the seabed near the North Pole by the crew of the submersible MIR-1 in August 2007, in an area that is subject to territorial disputes involving Canada, Denmark, Norway and the United States.

ASEAN Air Force Commanders meet in Hanoi, Bernama, August 20

Vietnam's defence ministry and people's army strongly support its air and air defence force playing an active role in bilateral and multilateral military cooperation within the Asean framework, including between Asean and other outside partners, to maintain peace and sustainable development in Southeast Asia, Vietnam News Agency (VNA) reported Deputy Defence Minister Lieutenant General Nguyen Chi Vinh as saying.

He said this in his speech at the seventh Asean Air force Commanders' Conference (AACC-7), which opened here Friday.

Cooperation between Asean member countries has been expanded to cover every field to meet each country's socio-economic development needs.

Vinh stressed that cooperation in defence and military matters has helped to create confidence and reinforce unity within the group.

He said that the defence-military cooperation is entering a new phase and is looking for more practical ways of dealing with security challenges, particularly newly-arising non-traditional cross-border issues.

In his address, the commander of Vietnam's air and air defence force, Lieutenant General Le Huu Duc, commented that there is a lot of potential for Asean air forces to work together or share their experiences and specialised skills in various areas.

He noted that Asean air forces should consider boosting cooperation in specialised areas, such as flight safety, search and rescue activities and humanitarian and natural disaster relief missions.

More cooperation between Asean air forces will enhance and bolster Asean's defence-military ties towards the establishment of the Asean Politics-Security Community by 2015, stressed Duc.

Maritime security in Southeast Asia, Voice of America, August 13

Once rivals, the United States and Vietnam continue to strengthen their ties, this month conducting a weeklong series of naval engagement activities, to commemorate the 15th anniversary of normalization of relations.

Military cooperation has grown since the first U.S. warship made a port call in Vietnam in 2003, including high-level defense talks and training. Beyond growing economic and cultural ties, our 2 nations share a common interest in maritime security in the region, based on a common belief that freedom of navigation of the sea is very important for trade and international relations. 

Beginning August 8, the weeklong exercise kicked off when the U.S. Navy hosted a delegation of Vietnamese military and government officials aboard the USS George Washington, a nuclear powered aircraft carrier cruising, the waters off Vietnam's central coast. Then on August 10, a Navy destroyer docked in Da Nang to begin a series of non-combatant training activities with the Vietnamese Navy focusing on search and rescue and damage control operations, such as fire fighting and emergency repair. The exercises had been planned for several months and follow a meeting in Hanoi last month between U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Vietnam's Deputy Prime Minister Pham Gia Khiem.

While differences remain between our 2 nations, growing cooperation and respect have developed between us. The United States is Vietnam's top export market and leading foreign investor. Discussions recently were concluded on sharing civilian nuclear fuel and technology.

Indonesia

In the tussle for influence in Southeast Asia, the United States and China have long been competing for Indonesia's affections. The strategically positioned, resource-rich archipelago is a prized partner in an era of fuel shortages and the global war on terror. But Washington and Beijing have lately   expanded their courtship  of Jakarta from the traditional areas of trade agreements, foreign direct investment, market access and technical assistance, to increasingly include offers of military hardware and military cooperation.

This three-way dance began in 2005, when China and Indonesia announced their " Strategic Partnership." At the same time, the U.S. partly normalized military-to-military ties with Indonesia after an embargo imposed in the 1990s due to the human rights abuses in East Timor by the Indonesian military (TNI).  

Beijing took an early lead in this race for influence. The Indonesia-China Strategic Partnership marked a breakthrough in the relationship between the two giant neighbors and sent alarm bells ringing in Washington. The agreement sought to expand the political, cultural and military-security aspects of the bilateral relationship. In terms of the latter, in particular, it committed the two countries to developing each other's defense industries, establishing a defense consultation mechanism, and increasing cooperation between their law enforcement and intelligence agencies in the fight against transnational security threats.  

In July 2005, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono visited Beijing and signed a memorandum of understanding on defense technology cooperation for the development of short- and medium-range missiles. Jakarta also placed a $11 million order for YJ-82/C-802 anti-ship missiles.  

In 2006, Indonesia-China Defense Security Consultation talks were inaugurated, causing significant concern in Washington. The warming ties between Jakarta and Beijing led to two Chinese warships visiting Indonesia in March 2007, the first such visit in more than 12 years.  

A draft agreement on defense cooperation was then signed in the second Defense Security Consultation Talks a month later, covering defense technology cooperation, exchange of military students and the possibility of further arms sales to Indonesia.  

In January 2008, the two countries further agreed to cooperate in the joint production of military transport vehicles and aircraft, to be developed by the two countries' state-owned defense industries. The same year, China's NORINCO and Indonesia's Pindad signed a deal to jointly develop rocket launchers and accompanying ammunition. An agreement was also reached on setting up a TNI-PLA cooperation committee, with a view to arranging joint military and training exercises.  

China's charm offensive, however, has led to little tangible results, as the   Jamestown Foundation's China Brief  argued last year. For all the talks, no contractual production agreements have been signed thus far. Sino-Indonesian military exchanges have also been limited, and no more large orders of Chinese-manufactured military hardware have been placed by Jakarta.  

One potential explanation for the slowdown is the United States' renewed efforts to restore relations with Indonesia. Though the groundwork had been laid in previous years, the speed with which the U.S. moved to regain the upper hand in the contest for Jakarta's sympathies over the last 12 months has been quite remarkable.  

In March 2010, a U.S. Air Force technical team   carried out critical in-country safety and maintenance reviews  of the Indonesian air force's of U.S.-built aircraft. This was followed by the signing in early June of a wide-ranging agreement -- the Framework Arrangement on Cooperative Activities in the Field of Defense -- intended to integrate existing defense collaboration between the two countries, according to a press release from the U.S. Embassy in Indonesia.  

The same month, U.S. Ambassador to Indonesia Cameron R. Hume inaugurated a $56 million program to fund production of coastal and shipboard radar systems at the Batam Regional Maritime Command Center. The systems included 16 coastal radars, 11 shipboard radars, one set of headquarters equipment and two regional command centers, according to information on the official Web site of the U.S. embassy.  

In July, the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta told Jane's that it was processing a range of Indonesian requests for services and equipment from the U.S. Department of Defense. It also indicated that Washington intended to position itself as a key military supplier to Indonesia.  

Just what that meant became clearer when Indonesia Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro expressed Jakarta's intention to buy U.S.-built F-16 and C-130H Hercules aircraft during a bilateral meeting with U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates in Jakarta on July 22. The purchase would be funded by the Foreign Military Financing (FMF) program, a U.S. grant provided to foreign governments to fund the purchase of U.S.-made weapons, services and training.  

After the lifting of the U.S. military embargo, Indonesia received nearly $1 million in FMF funds in 2006. That has climbed to $20 million this year.  

While in Jakarta, Gates also announced that   Washington had lifted its ban  on cooperation with Kopassus, the TNI's controversial special forces. The restriction had been the last remaining embargo on bilateral military-to-military ties.  

But Washington's reversal of fortune does not mean that Beijing is accepting defeat.   China has designated 2010, "The Year of China-Indonesia Friendship,"  to mark the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations. High-ranking Chinese officials have already traveled to Jakarta this year to propose, among other things, the establishment of a joint council to facilitate increased levels of joint military production. Beijing has also offered additional C-802 anti-ship missiles as well as a range of naval vessels.

While Jakarta is considering its options, there are rumors that Yudhoyono may ask for an increase in Indonesia's FMF allocation when U.S. President Barack Obama visits Indonesia later this year. Against such a backdrop, Obama -- who spent part of his childhood in Indonesia -- will find it difficult to refuse.  

U.S. and Philippine military officials discussed the “assertiveness” displayed by China in the South China Sea during a meeting in Manila today.

“It’s going to be a very important topic for all the regional nations to discuss,” U.S. Pacific Commander Admiral   Robert Willard   said at a press briefing. “It’s of national interest to the United States, so this will undoubtedly remain a topic of conversation for some time to come.”

China’s investment in “power projection capability and in area-denial capability” have become a concern to the U.S. and other countries in the region, Willard said. Secretary of State   Hillary Clinton   last month in Vietnam said resolving territorial disputes off China’s southern coast is “a leading diplomatic priority,” signaling her intention to intercede in a region claimed in full by the Chinese government.

The Philippines is among several countries that have claims in the potentially oil-rich Spratly Islands in the South China Sea. The Chinese government considers almost the entire sea as its own, and has beefed up its military over the past decade, enhancing the capability to deter U.S. ships and enforce territorial claims off its shores.

The Philippines has “limited capability” in monitoring movements in the area and lawmakers must set aside funds for the modernization of the country’s military, Armed Forces of the Philippines Chief Ricardo David said.

The US “very much looks forward to working continually” with the Philippine military to ensure it is “shaped just right to meet the needs of this very complex archipelago that’s located in a very strategic area of the world,” Willard said.

Vietnam and the US held their first-ever defense dialogue on Tuesday (August 17), officials announced at a press briefing following the conference.

Robert Scher, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for South and Southeast Asia, said the dialogue was very candid and open. According to Scher, the substance of the meeting included increased cooperation in areas such as marine security, international peacekeeping and search and rescue.

The talks, held 15 years after the normalization of diplomatic relations, represented "the next significant historic step in our increasingly robust defense relationship which is based on mutual trust, understanding and respect for independence and sovereignty," Scher told reporters.

Previous security talks, which started in 2008, were held at the foreign ministry and State Department level, AFP reported on Tuesday.

Vietnam’s Deputy Defense Minister Nguyen Chi Vinh reaffirmed the country’s commitment to work with the US in dealing with war legacy issues, such as MIA recovery and Agent Orange remediation.

Both officials said that the border dispute in the East Sea was not the focus of the talks but they agreed that this matter must be addressed through peaceful negotiations to maintain stability in the region.

Vinh said Vietnam's increased military ties with the US would not harm others.

"We believe this cooperation brings about benefit to Vietnam and the United States," he told the briefing. "This cooperation does not do harm to the interests of any other country."

The dialogue focused on bilateral issues, including unexploded ordnance and herbicides left over from the Vietnam War as well as servicemen listed as missing in action, the two officials said.

Other areas where they hoped to step up cooperation included humanitarian and disaster-relief operations, and language training.

US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates is scheduled to attend the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting – Plus scheduled to convene in Hanoi this October. The meeting will be attended by defense ministers from member countries. The “plus” refers to the eight ASEAN dialogue partners, which include the US and China that will also attend the conference.

END MEMO

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